Jewish World Links: Jewish European History: Spain

Judaic
Online store that provides a wide selection of all types of Judaica, Jewish gifts, Jewish books, Jewish ritual items and more
www.judaic.com

Disputation at Tortosa.

This disputation, the most remarkable ever held, commenced on Feb. 7, 1413, and lasted, with many interruptions, until Nov. 12, 1414. The first meeting, which was opened by the pope, took place before an audience of more than a thousand, among whom were several cardinals, grandees, and members of the city's aristocracy. The disputation mainly concerned the question as to whether the Messiah had already appeared, and whether the Talmud regarded him as such. Geronimo de Santa Fé, who had made false charges against the Talmud, especially opposed Vidal Benveniste (who had thoroughly mastered the Latin language and whom the other Jewish representatives had selected as their leader), Zerahiah ha-Levi, Joseph Albo, Bonastruc Desmaëstre, and Nissim Ferrer; and he was assisted by the learned neophyte Garci Alvarez de Alarcon and the theologian Andreas Beltran of Valencia, who later became Bishop of Barcelona. At the sixty-fifth meeting Joseph Albo and Astruc ha-Levi tendered a memorial in defense of the Talmud, and on Nov. 10, 1414, Astruc, in the name of all the representatives with the exception of Joseph Albo and Nissim Ferrer, declared that the haggadic passages which had been cited as evidence against the Talmud were not considered as authoritative by them.

This, however, was in no way equivalent to the acceptance of Jesus as the Messiah and the abandonment of Judaism, as some Spanish historians assert. (Regarding the so-called disputation of Tortosa, which really took place in San Mateo, near Tortosa, see "Shebeṭ Yehudah," ed. Wiener, pp. 67 et seq., and Rios, "Hist." ii. 433 et seq. Rios claims to have made use of a Spanish manuscript from the Provincial Library in Segovia, in addition to the Latin protocol which is extant in manuscript in the Escorial. See also Zurita, "Anales de Aragon," iii. 108 et seq., and Grätz, "Gesch." viii. 416 et seq., where several false hypotheses are made.)

According to the not always reliable historian Zurita, more than 3,000 Jews were baptized during the year 1414; this probably was not due so much to the disputation as to the forcible conversions by Vicente Ferrer, who had returned to Aragon. In Guadalajara, as well as in Calatayud, Daroca, Fraga, Barbastro, Caspe, Maella, Tamarite, and Alcolea, many Jewish families submitted to baptism. The persecution of the Jews was now pursued systematically. In the hope of mass-conversions, Benedict issued, on May 11, 1415, a bull consisting of twelve articles, which, in the main, corresponded with the decree ("Pragmatica") issued by Catalina, and which had been placed on the statutes of Aragon by Fernando. By this bull Jews and neophytes were forbidden to study the Talmud, to read anti-Christian writings, in particular the work "Macellum" ("Mar Jesu"), to pronounce the names of Jesus, Maria, or the saints, to manufacture communion-cups or other church vessels or accept such as pledges, or to build new synagogues or ornament old ones. Each community might have only one synagogue. Jews were denied all rights of selfjurisdiction, nor might they proceed against "malsines" (accusers). They might hold no public offices, nor might they follow any handicrafts, or act as brokers, matrimonial agents, physicians, apothecaries, or druggists. They were forbidden to bake or sell maẓẓot, or to give them away; neither might they dispose of meat which they were prohibited from eating. They might have no intercourse with Christians, nor might they disinherit their baptized children. They should wear the badge at all times, and thrice a year all Jews over twelve, of both sexes, were required to listen to a Christian sermon on the Messiah (the bull is reprinted, from a manuscript in the archives of the cathedral in Toledo, by Rios ["Hist." ii. 627-653]).

Effects of the Persecutions.

The persecutions, the laws of exclusion, the humiliation inflicted upon them, and the many conversions among them had greatly injured the Jews, but with them suffered the whole kingdom ofSpain. Commerce and industry were at a standstill, the soil was not cultivated, and the finances were disturbed. In Aragon entire communities—as those of Barcelona, Lerida, and Valencia—had been destroyed, many had been reduced to poverty and had lost more than half of their members. In order to restore commerce and industry Queen Maria, consort of Alfonso V. and temporary regent, endeavored to draw Jews to the country by offering them privileges, while she made emigration difficult by imposing higher taxes. After the persecutions of 1391 there were in Aragon and Castile, in addition to "Judios infides," as Paul de Burgos called them, many converts ("conversos"), or Neo-Christians. On account of their talent and wealth, and through intermarriage with noble families, the converts gained considerable influence and filled important government offices. The highest positions and dignities were held by the following Aragon families: Zaporta, Santangel, Villanova, Almazan, Caballeria, Cabrero, Sanchez, and Torrero.

The position of the Jews of Castile became somewhat more favorable under John II., who ascended the throne at the age of fourteen, upon the death of his mother, Catalina (1418); this improvement was chiefly due to the influence of the king's powerful minister, Alvaro de Luna. In order to bring system into the finances of the state, the king sought the advice of Abraham Benveniste, who enjoyed his full confidence; he appointed the Neo-Christian Diego Gonzales as treasurer; and as chief tax-farmer he installed the scholar Joseph Nasi (identical with Joseph ibn Shem-Ṭob, the philosopher and author; see the document from the archives of Vitoria in Rios, "Hist." iii. 573 et seq.; "Shebeṭ Yehudah," pp. 21, 25). Other Jews, as Samuel Alhadar, acted as tax-farmers. The favors thus shown the Jews roused the anger of the old Paul de Santa Maria and his two sons, who, despite the fact that they were greatly indebted to Alvaro de Luna, hated him no less than they hated the Jews. Paul's son Alfonso de Santa Maria, who represented Spain at the Congress of Basel, brought it about that Pope Eugene IV. issued a bull against the Jews (Aug. 10, 1442). This bull, which was published in Toledo during the king's absence, was used by the enemies of the Jews as a pretext for oppressing and ill-treating them and for discontinuing all association with them.

In the interest of the Jews, as well as of the country, Alvaro de Luna induced the king to issue a decree in Aravalo on April 6, 1443, which annulled several clauses in the laws of Queen Catalina as well as in the papal bull. The Jews were allowed to engage in the various trades, as well as in commercial pursuits; and, under certain conditions, they were permitted to practise medicine. They were, however, to continue to live in their Juderias, apart from the Christians, and to wear the badge. The king made it the duty of the authorities to protect the Jews from injustice of any kind; he regarded them as his property and as standing under his immediate protection, and he ordered that any Christian assailing them should be punished with imprisonment and loss of property (this decree is reprinted from manuscript in Rios, "Hist." iii. 583 et seq.; less correctly by Lindo, l.c. pp. 221 et seq.). The intrigues of the sons of Paul de Burgos, however, were finally successful in securing the death of Alvaro de Luna in Valladolid.

Under John II.

During the period of peace under John II. it was the first care of the Jews to reorganize their religious and communal affairs. The statesman and scholar Abraham Benveniste, who had been elected chief rabbi, called a meeting in Valladolid (April, 1432) of rabbis, representatives of communities, and other prominent men; at this meeting taḳḳanot were adopted relating to the study of Jewish law, to divine service, to the system of taxation, etc., and these rules afford an insight into the condition of the communal affairs of that time.

The Jews of Spain formed in themselves a separate political body. They lived almost solely in the Juderias, various enactments being issued from time to time preventing them from living elsewhere. From the time of the Moors they had had their own administration. At the head of the aljamas in Castile stood the "rab de la corte," or "rab mayor" (court, or chief, rabbi), also called "juez mayor" (chief justice), who was the principal mediator between the state and the aljamas. These court rabbis were men who had rendered services to the state, as, for example, David ibn Yaḥya and Abraham Benveniste, or who had been royal physicians, as Meïr Alguadez and Jacob ibn Nuñez, or chief-tax-farmers, as the last incumbent of the court rabbi's office, Abraham Senior. They were appointed by the kings, no regard being paid to the rabbinical qualifications or religious inclination of those chosen ("David Messer Leon," in "R. E. J." xxiii. 135).

Organization.

The duties of the court rabbis consisted in levying the public taxes, in adjusting complaints brought by the aljamas or by individual members, or in bringing such complaints to a higher court, and, in cases of dispute, in appointing the dayyanim (magistrates); they were, in short, to represent the aljamas before the kings and to defend their interests. As in Castile, so also in Navarre—the chief rabbis were appointed by the kings. The communal rabbi ("talmid ḥakam"), who at times practised medicine, and who in Aragon was confirmed in his office by the kings, was expected to teach Talmud, Halakah, and Haggadah, deliver Talmudic lectures, instruct the members of his congregation, and sometimes officiate as dayyan. The larger communities had several rabbis, also a bet din (corrupt Spanish, "hedines") consisting of dayyanim, whom the Christians called "rabbis." At times the archbishops appointed or dismissed the rabbis and dayyanim of the aljamas within their archbishoprics. Thus Rabbi Zulema Alfahan was dismissed from his office by Archbishop Pedro of Toledo, and the latter's physician was appointed in his place (1388), the appointment being confirmed by the king (Rios, "Hist." ii. 577 et seq., 590 et seq.).

Restrictions on Autonomy.

The Jews of Castile had their own judicial system. This fact gave them a certain independence and spared them many expenses and difficulties; nor were they obliged to trouble the Christian justiceswith their quarrels. At various sessions of the Cortes, however, attempts were made to withdraw this privilege; the right to jurisdiction in criminal matters was withdrawn from them in 1380; and in 1412 this was followed by the suspension, though for a short time only, of the right to adjudicate civil cases. In the fifteenth century the Jews of Aragon likewise were deprived of independent jurisdiction; but even then the Christian alcaldes tried cases according to Jewish law. Whoever instituted proceedings before a Christian judge—with the exception of cases referring to customs, etc.—was liable to a heavy fine. The communities paid special attention to the suppression of the system of delation which had become wide-spread among the Spanish Jews (see Moser). The wealthy and influential members of the community often abused their powers by accusing coreligionists before the regents and grandees of the kingdom in order to gain special privileges or avoid taxation.

The taxes imposed were many and heavy. Besides the taxes payable to the kings (the "cabeza," "cena," "yantar," "servicio"), the Jews were required to pay tribute to their local administration, as well as to the archbishops and the Church. These taxes were assessed, according to property and income, by trusted men appointed by the aljama, and they were levied collectively on each community; small communities, or individual Jews, were considered, for the purposes of taxation, as a part of the nearest larger community. In order to escape taxation many Jews procured from the kings, queens, or princes letters of exemption; others left the royal domains and settled elsewhere; while still others endeavored to have their taxes reduced by threatening the tax-commissioners. The taxes on wine and meat ("almahona," "alcabala," "gabela"), which articles were often subjected also to royal taxation, served to maintain the Talmud Torah and to provide for the various needs of the community.

Culture and Education.

The Spanish Jews differed but little from the Christian population with regard to customs and education. They were fond of luxury, and the women wore costly garments with long trains, also valuable jewelry; this tended to increase the hatred of the populace toward them. They were quarrelsome and inclined to robbery, and often attacked and insulted one another even in their synagogues and prayer-houses, frequently inflicting wounds with the rapier or sword which they were accustomed to carry.

In their morals, and especially in regard to married life, the Jews maintained a loftier standard. With royal permission, however, a Jew might have two wives; and the Jews often won their wives in subtle ways, or through the agency of influential Christians, so that it became necessary to order that betrothals might take place only between adults, and with the express permission of the father or the brother of the bride.

Karaites in Spain.

Following the custom prevailing within the Church, the Spanish Jews often imposed sentences of excommunication upon members of their congregations. The Karaite sect, which had won numerous adherents in Castile through the instrumentality of Cid ibn Altaras and which had its headquarters in Carrion and Burgos, was persecuted by Judah ben Joseph ibn Ezra of Granada, whom Alfonso VIII. had placed in command of Calatrava after his conquest of that city in 1147; thirty years later Joseph ibn al-Fakhkhar (Farissol ?), who had great influence with Alfonso XI., succeeded in totally suppressing the sect.

The first Spanish author to undertake a polemic against the Karaites was Judah ibn Balaam ("R. E. J." xix. 206 et seq.). In Spain, for centuries an El Dorado for Jewish science, which had found there its most ardent cultivators, an inconceivable degree of ignorance of Jewish matters prevailed after the end of the fourteenth century. The Jews took up other studies; the number of schools was diminished; the children remained without education; and a great many adult Jews could not even read Hebrew. This ignorance did not fail to exert an influence upon the services, which were held according to a peculiar Spanish or Castilian ritual, in most points resembling the Aragonian. This ritual was simple and consistent, and it remained uninfluenced by the poets.

The number of Jewish scholars and rabbis of distinction was comparatively small during the fifteenth century. Talmudic study, once assiduously cultivated in Toledo, Barcelona, Gerona, Monzon, and other places, was then neglected, and the endeavors of Abraham Benveniste to reawaken an interest in Talmudic science were fruitless. The last rabbinical authority of Castile, likewise its last gaon, was Isaac Companton, among whose pupils were Isaac de Leon, Isaac A boab, and Samuel Alvalensi. The last preachers of renown were the religious philosopher Joseph ibn Shem-Ṭob, his son Shem-Ṭob, Joseph Albo, and Isaac Arama.

In the Second Half of the Fifteenth Century.

The position of the Jews of Spain was fairly favorable in the second half of the fifteenth century, during the reigns of Henry IV. of Castile (1454-74) and John II. of Aragon (1456-79). Wealthy converted Jews occupied prominent positions at both courts. King Henry appointed Diego Arias Davila as "contador mayor" of the kingdom, and he employed as tax-farmers Davila's Neo-Christian relatives, as well as several Jews, among whom were Don Gaon (Chacon) of Vitoria, and Joseph and Moses Calés, Samuel Pachon, and Joseph ibn Ataf, all of Plasencia. The king, as well as the dukes and grandees, disregarded the various enactments of the Cortes which prohibited Jews from holding public offices; even bishoprics employed Jews as tax-collectors, as, for example, R. Abraham Joseph Castellano and Moses of Briviesca. John II. and Henry IV. employed Jews as body-physicians; the famous oculist Abiathar ibn Crescas served the former ruler; and Jacob ibn Nuñez, who, as "rab de la corte," assessed and collected the taxes payable by the aljamas, was employed by the latter.

Spread of the Jews in Spain.

The principal Jewish communities existed in the smaller places. The community of Toledo, formerly the largest in Spain, had grown unimportant; sohad that of Hita. Many Jews lived in the vicinity of Madrid (where no regular community existed), in such small towns as Ocaña, Guadalajara, Almazan, Bentrago, and Alcalá de Henares. The largest communities in Old Castile were those of Avila, Segovia, Soria, Aguilar del Campo, Herrera, Medina del Pomar, Calahorra, Villalon, Aranda, and Cuellar. Burgos had only a few Jews. The province of Estremadura was still thickly populated by them, comparatively large communities existing in Caceres, Badajoz, Truxillo, Xerez, Medelin, and Plasencia. Very few Jews lived in Seville, while Galicia had but one aljama—in the seaport town of Coruña. In the former kingdom of Leon, on the other hand, the Jewish population was much larger, among the most prominent communities being those of Zamora, Valladolid, Mayorga, Medina del Campo, Salamanca, Ponferrado, Bobadilla, Madrigal, and Ciudad Rodrigo. In 1374 the "servicio" taxes paid by all the Jews of Castile amounted to 450,300 maravedis—an amount considerably less than that paid two centuries before. As in Castile so also in Aragon and Catalonia the number of Jews had greatly diminished. In the last-named place only one community, that of Gerona, existed in 1438. Communities of medium size existed in Barbastro, Calatayud, Monzon, Saragossa, and Huesca; and smaller ones in Tausle, Jaca, Fraga, Egea de los Caballeros, Teruel, Almunca, and Alagon. Only a few Jews lived in Daroca (Rios, "Hist." iii. 81, 171, 590 et seq.; "R. E. J." xiv. 167 et seq.; Grätz, "Gesch." viii. 214).

The Cortes of 1462.

When the various city administrations requested the Cortes held in 1462 to restrict the Jews in their intercourse with Christians the Jews left the cities and settled in places which were under the jurisdiction of the counts. The popular hatred toward the Jews was stirred anew by the fanaticism of the Franciscan friar Alfonso de Spina, the author of "Fortalitium Fidei"; this friar, who held the same views as Paul de Burgos, was a sworn enemy of his former coreligionists. He incited the people against the Jews as well as against the Maranos, whom he called "Judios ocultos" to distinguish them from the "Judios publicos." In order to rouse the anger of the people he declared that the Jews were in the habit of killing Christian children. This accusation was readily believed by the credulous populace, and in Tavara, Toro, and Avila plays illustrating the supposed crime were written and acted. In Sepulvedo R. Solomon Pichon was accused of the murder of a Christian boy, and in Medina del Campo Jews were murdered and burned under similar accusations.

But the popular hatred toward the Neo-Christians exceeded that toward the professed Jews. In Toledo a bloody uprising against the Maranos took place in July, 1467, many being killed. On March 14, 1473, an outbreak occurred at Cordova, the houses of the Neo-Christians being invaded, plundered, and burned, and many of their inmates horribly butchered. Owing to the death of Dr. M. Kayserling before he had completed this article, its continuation has been written by Mr. Joseph Jacobs.G. M. K.

Thenceforward the history of the Jews in Spain is connected with the reciprocal relations of the "conversos" and the members of their families who had remained true to the old faith. The nobles of Spain found that they had only increased their difficulties by urging the conversion of the Jews, who remained as much a close corporation in the new faith as they had been in the old, and gradually began to monopolize many of the offices of state, especially those connected with tax-farming. At the Cortes of Fraga (1460) large numbers of "conversos" attended, much to the dismay of the hidalgos. In 1465 a "concordia" was imposed upon Henry IV. of Castile reviving all the former anti-Jewish regulations. So threatening did the prospects of the Jews become that in 1473 they offered to buy Gibraltar from this king: this offer was refused.

As soon as the Catholic monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella ascended their respective thrones steps were taken to segregate the Jews both from the "conversos" and from their fellow countrymen. At the Cortes of Toledo, in 1480, all Jews were ordered to be separated in special "barrios," and at the Cortes of Fraga, two years later, the same law was enforced in Navarre, where they were ordered to be confined to the Jewries at night. The same year saw the establishment of the Inquisition in Spain, the main object of which was to deal with the "conversos" (nullsee Inquisition). Though both monarchs were surrounded by Neo-Christians, such as Pedro de Caballeria and Luis de Santangel, and though Ferdinand was the grandson of a Jewess, he showed the greatest intolerance to Jews, whether converted or otherwise, commanding all "conversos" to reconcile themselves with the Inquisition by the end of 1484, and obtaining a bull from Innocent VIII. ordering all Christian princes to restore all fugitive "conversos" to the Inquisition of Spain. One of the reasons for the increased rigor of the Catholic monarchs was the disappearance of the fear of any united action by Jews and Moors, the kingdom of Granada being at its last gasp. Yet these rulers had the duplicity to promise to continue to the Jews of the Moorish kingdom all rights that they then possessed there if they would assist the Spaniards in overthrowing the existing rule. This promise was dated Feb. 11, 1490, only two years before it was publicly repudiated by the decree of expulsion. See Ferdinand and Isabella.

Edict of Expulsion.

Several months after the fall of Granada an edict of expulsion was issued against the Jews of Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella (March 31, 1492). It ordered all Jews and Jewesses of whatever age to leave the kingdom by the last day of July, but permitted them to remove their property provided it was not in gold, silver, or money. The reason alleged for this action in the preamble of the edict was the relapse of so many "conversos," owing to the proximity of unconverted Jews who seduced them from Christianity and kept alive in them the knowledge and practises of Judaism. No other motive is assigned, and there is no doubt that the religious motive was the main one. It is claimed that Don Isaac Abravanel, who had previously ransomed 480 Jewish Moriscos of Malaga from the Catholic monarchsby a payment of 20,000 doubloons, now offered them 600,000 crowns for the revocation of the edict. It is said also that Ferdinand hesitated, but was prevented from accepting the offer by Torquemada, the grand inquisitor, who dashed into the royal presence and, throwing a crucifix down before the king and queen, asked whether, like Judas, they would betray their Lord for money. Whatever may be the truth of this story, there were no signs of relaxation shown by the court, and the Jews of Spain made preparations for exile. In some cases, as at Vitoria, they took steps to prevent the desecration of the graves of their kindred by presenting the cemetery to the municipality—a precaution not unjustified, as the Jewish cemetery of Seville was later ravaged by the people. The members of the Jewish community of Segovia passed the last three days of their stay in the city in the Jewish cemetery, fasting and wailing over being parted from their beloved dead.

Number of the Exiles.

The number of those who were thus driven from Spain has been differently estimated by various observers and historians. Mariana, in his history of Spain, claims as many as 800,000. Isidore Loeb, in a special study of the subject in the "Revue des Etudes Juives" (xiv. 162-183), reduces the actual number of emigrants to 165,000. Bernaldez gives details of about 100,000 who went from Spain to Portugal: 3,000 from Benevente to Braganza; 30,000 from Zamora to Miranda; 35,000 from Ciudad Rodrigo to Villar; 15,000 from Miranda de Alcantara to Marbao; and 10,000 from Badajoz to Yelves. According to the same observer, there were altogether 160,000 Jews in Aragon and Castile. Abraham Zacuto reckons those who went to Portugal at 120,000. Lindo asserts that 1,500 families of Jewish Moriscos from the kingdom of Granada were the first to leave the country. It may be of interest to give the following estimates of Loeb's of the numbers of those who were in Spain before the expulsion and of those who emigrated to different parts of the world:
see table

These estimates must be regarded as a minimum; it is probable that at least 200,000 fled the country, leaving behind them their dead and a large number of relatives who had been forced by circumstances to conceal their religion and to adopt the dominant creed. About 12,000 appear to have entered Navarre, where they were allowed to remain for a short time only. The ports of Cartagena, Valencia, and Barcelona were provided by Ferdinand with ships to take the fugitives where they would; but the Jews often found difficulty in landing, owing to disease breaking out among them while on board ship. Thus at Fez the Moors refused to receive them, and they were obliged to roam in an open plain, where many of them died from hunger; the rest in despair returned to Spain and were baptized. Nine crowded vessels arrived at Naples and communicated pestilence. At Genoa they were only allowed to land provided they received baptism. Those who were fortunate enough to reach Turkey had a better fate, the sultan Salim expressing his gratitude to Ferdinand for sending him some of his best subjects.

The Maranos.

The history of the Jews henceforth in Spain is that of the Maranos, whose numbers, as has been shown, had been increased by no less than 50,000 during the period of expulsion. As Spain got possession of the New World, the Maranos attempted to find a refuge from the Inquisition in both the East and the West Indies, where they often came in contact with relatives who had remained true to their faith, or had become reconverted in Holland or elsewhere. These formed business alliances with their relatives remaining in Spain, so that a large portion of the shipping and importing industry of that country fell into the hands of the Maranos and their Jewish relatives elsewhere. The wealth thus acquired was often sequestrated into the coffers of the Inquisition; but this treatment led to reprisals on the part of the Maranos abroad, and there can be no doubt that the decline of Spanish commerce in the seventeenth century was due in large measure to the activities of the Maranos of Holland, Italy, and England, who diverted trade from Spain to those countries. When Spain was at war with any of these countries Jewish intermediation was utilized to obtain knowledge of Spanish naval activity (see Intelligencers; Maranos).

In this indirect way the Maranos, who had been the occasion of the expulsion, became a Nemesis to the Spanish kingdom. It is, however, incorrect to suppose, as is usually done, that the immediate results of the expulsion of the Jews from Spain were disastrous either to the commerce or to the power of the Iberian kingdom. So far from this being the case, Spain rose to its greatest height immediately after the expulsion of the Jews, the century succeeding that event culminating in the world-power of Philip II., who in 1580 was ruler of the New World, of the Spanish Netherlands, and of Portugal, as well as of Spain. The intellectual loss was perhaps more direct. A large number of Spanish poets and other Jewish writers and thinkers who traced their origin from the exile were lost to Spain, including men like Spinoza, De Silva, Manasseh b. Israel, the Disraelis, and the Montefiores.

When Spain became a republic in 1858, a repeal of the edict of expulsion was secured from General Prim through the influence of H. Guedalla of London, and Jews were permitted to tread once more upon Spanish soil. Very few of them have availed themselves of this privilege, a small congregation at Madrid being the chief sign of renewed life. Even at the present day in Spain Jews are not allowed to have any public building in which to hold their religious services.
Bibliography: On the general bibliography of the history of the Jews of Spain see Jacobs, Sources of Spanish Jewish History, pp. 213-244.
There are three general histories: that of Lindo, History of the Jews of Spain and Portugal, London, 1848, founded to some extent on original researches in the archives;
Amador de los Rios, Historia Social, Politica y Religiosa de los Judios de España y Portugal, Madrid, 1875-1876;
and M. Kayserling, Die Juden in Navarra, Berlin, 1861, the latter only the beginning of a general treatment which was to have included all the separate states of Spain.
It is founded mainly on Yanguas, Diccionario, Pamplona, 1842.
Amador de los Rios' history is based mainly on the chronicles of Ayala and Balaguer and on local histories like those of Ascolono of Valencia, Zuñiga of Seville, Ximena of Jaen, and Landazuri of Vitoria. Much material is contained in the published transactions of the Cortes, as well as in the fueros.
Fidel Fita, in the Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, 1882-97, has published much from manuscript sources, and some of his writings have been republished under the title Historia Hebrea, Madrid, 1888.
The Jews of Aragon are best described in Balaguer, Historia de Cataluña.
Much material exists also in the works of Jewish chroniclers like Joseph Cohen and Solomon ibn Verga, as well as in Usque.

The chief sources for the persecutions of 1391 are: Ayala, Cronica de D. Enrique III.;
Zuñiga, Anales Ecclesiasticos de Sevilla (contemporary chronicles);
Shebeṭ Yehudah, Nos. 27, 48;
Crescas letter in Appendix to ib., ed. Wiener;
Estrigo de los Juderias Catalanes en 1391, Relacion Contemporanea, in F. Fita, La España Hebrea, i. 166 et seq.;
Vicente Boix, Historia de la Ciudad de Valencia, i. 440 et seq.;
Rios, Hist. ii. 355 et seq., 595 et seq.;
Henry C. Lea, Ferrand Martinez and the Massacres of 1391, in American Hist. Review, i. 215 et seq.;
Grätz, Gesch. viii. 62 et seq.J.

Spain

Jewish Colorado - Site Map